In his report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasised, 'At present, changes in the world, the times, and history are unfolding in an unprecedented manner,' and 'The world once again stands at a historical crossroads; where it goes from here depends on the choices made by the peoples of all nations.'
What is the choice of the Chinese people?
In his speech at the ceremony marking the 80th anniversary of the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, General Secretary Xi Jinping stated, 'The Chinese nation is a great nation that fears no tyranny and is self-reliant and self-strengthening.' 'Today, humanity once again faces a choice between peace or war, dialogue or confrontation, and win-win or zero-sum outcomes.' The Chinese people are committed to 'joining hands with people of all nations to build a community with a shared future for mankind.'
In the above remarks, General Secretary Xi Jinping first emphasised that 'the Chinese nation is a great nation that fears no tyranny and stands on its own feet,' meaning that the Chinese nation's fine cultural traditions encompass not only the principle that 'in the practice of ritual, harmony is most precious,' but also the spirit that 'might cannot break our resolve.'
Yin and yang together constitute the Dao. 'Harmony is most precious' and 'unbowed by force' embody the dialectical unity of Marxism.
After General Secretary Xi Jinping, on behalf of the Communist Party of China and the Chinese people, raised the major issue of our times, namely, 'building a community with a shared future for mankind.' He has now provided a resounding answer to this question, that is, to join hands with people of all nations to build such a community, addressing the contemporary, epochal, and historical question facing the world today.
This has elicited a strong response and high praise from all Chinese people and indeed from people around the world.
I. The idea of joining hands with people of all nations to build a community with a shared future for mankind represents the adherence to and development of Marx and Engels' ideas regarding the 'true community' and the 'association of free individuals'
Marx and Engels pointed out: 'Only in the community can the individual acquire the means for the full development of his talents; that is to say, only in the community is individual freedom possible.' In The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels further declared: 'In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, there will come an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all'.
Marx and Engels proposed and systematically expounded the concept of the community, and simultaneously designated the communist society as the 'association of free individuals' for struggling as proletariats.
Humanity's conception of the community has undergone a historical evolution from the 'natural community' of the pre-capitalist era, through the 'false community' of capitalism, to the 'true community' of the 'association of free individuals.'
In 1961, when Mao Zedong met with a French senator, the senator remarked, 'It doesn’t matter that France is far away from China, but it does matter that there is a wall separating the two countries.' Mao Zedong replied, 'There are various kinds of walls: ideological walls, walls of social systems, walls of diplomatic relations, and walls of economic relations. These are temporary phenomena; the people will ultimately tear down these walls.' The walls of ideology and social systems can be torn down, provided we adhere to the principle of non-interference in each other's internal affairs.
The idea Mao Zedong expressed that 'the people will eventually tear down these walls' is precisely the realisation of the communist society described by Marx and Engels, and the realisation of the 'community with a shared future for mankind' as articulated by General Secretary Xi Jinping. Only by liberating all of humanity can the proletariat ultimately liberate itself.
At a time when neoliberalism has brought about various disasters before the eyes of the world, General Secretary Xi Jinping, standing at the height of human history and the development of the times, has coordinated the two major situations (domestic and international) and proposed the idea of building a community with a shared future for mankind with far-sighted vision. This idea not only aligns with the ultimate direction of human development but also inherits the concept of 'Great Harmony' from China's excellent traditional culture, while also encompassing the lofty communist ideals of the Chinese Communists and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, thereby securing the moral high ground for socialism with Chinese characteristics.
The proposal of the concept of building a community with a shared future for mankind, which occupies the highest moral ground, has made it difficult even for hegemonic powers, power politics, and their followers to openly deny or resist it. It has naturally earned widespread praise and an enthusiastic response from people around the world and the vast majority of nations.
II. The idea of joining hands with the peoples of all nations to build a community with a shared future for mankind upholds and develops the most fundamental principles of Marxist historical materialism
A question that has long been debated by historians and historians of philosophy is whether history is created by heroes or by the masses.
Mao Zedong said, 'The people, and only the people, are the driving force behind world history.' This is the most fundamental principle of historical materialism.
General Secretary Xi Jinping has particularly emphasised the principles of 'putting the people first' and 'being people-centred,' which represent a new articulation of the Party's principle of serving the people wholeheartedly in the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
'The people first' and 'people-centred' encompass two essential principles. First, all activities of the Chinese Communists are for the people. Beyond this, there are absolutely no special or personal interests of their own. General Secretary Xi Jinping has particularly emphasised, 'I will set aside my own interests and never let the people down.' Second, to ensure the realisation of the fundamental goal of a better life for all the people, the Chinese Communist Party unites and educates the people, relying closely on them. Only in this way does the Party possess true strength and can it stand with the people for eternity.
A nation's international relations and foreign policy are both derivatives and extensions of its domestic politics.
The idea of building a community with a shared future for mankind with the peoples of all countries, timely put forward by General Secretary Xi Jinping, is the international extension of the CPC's principle of 'the people first' and 'people-centred,' and represents the upholding and development of Mao Zedong's important thoughts on internationalism.
In commemorating the 130th anniversary of Mao Zedong's birth, Xi Jinping added the assessment that Mao Zedong 'was a great internationalist who made significant contributions to the liberation of the world's oppressed nations and the cause of human progress.'
While putting forward the idea of building a community with a shared future for mankind, General Secretary Xi Jinping also promptly proposed the idea of working hand in hand with the peoples of all countries to build this community. Under new historical conditions, this represents the upholding and development of Marx and Engels' concept of the 'two major majorities,' as well as the upholding and development of Mao Zedong's idea that 'the universal truths of Marxism must be combined with the specific conditions of each country; internationalism and patriotism are one and the same.'
Building a community with a shared future for mankind means realising communism, building a 'true community' and 'association of free individuals' referred to by Marx and Engels. This is undoubtedly our highest program and ultimate goal; it is the shore we must reach as we cross the river.
The bridge and the boat that will carry us to the other side of the river are precisely what General Secretary Xi Jinping has firmly and clearly emphasised: working hand in hand with the peoples of all nations to build a community with a shared future for mankind.
III. Upholding the idea of joining hands with the peoples of all nations to build a community with a shared future for mankind means combining the universal truths of Marxism with the concrete realities of today's world
In January 1962, Mao Zedong pointed out that 'From now on, the next fifty to one hundred years will be a great era of thoroughgoing transformation of the world's social systems, an era of earth-shaking upheaval, unparalleled by any historical era in the past. Living in such an era, we must prepare to wage a great struggle that differs in many respects from the forms of struggle in past eras. For the sake of this cause, we must combine the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism with the specific realities of China's socialist construction, as well as with the specific realities of future world revolutions, as effectively as possible.'
Since 2017, General Secretary Xi Jinping has repeatedly expounded on the idea that 'the world today is undergoing a once-in-a-century transformation' on various occasions, which represents the adherence to and development of Mao Zedong's aforementioned assessment.
By the time of the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012, our reform and opening-up had achieved remarkable accomplishments that attracted worldwide attention. The Party Central Committee, with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, began addressing the critical issue that 'many within the Party and society were deeply concerned about the future of the Party and the country.' It put forward the important idea of 'combining the basic principles of Marxism with China's specific realities and with the fine traditional Chinese culture'. At the same time, it deeply recognised the irreversible trend toward a multipolar world, and attached great importance to the new and significant practice of combining the basic principles of Marxism with the specific realities of the world, thereby achieving fruitful results.
All great thinkers, theorists, and strategists are also great prophets.
In January 1962, although our Party and the country were facing an extremely difficult period both domestically and internationally, practice had already begun to prove that Mao Zedong's prediction at the time – that 'from now on, within fifty to a hundred years, the world will undergo a great era of thorough transformation of social systems, an era of earth-shaking change, unparalleled by any historical era in the past' – was entirely correct.
IV. To uphold the building of a community with a shared future for mankind in partnership with the peoples of all nations, we must resolutely oppose the hegemony and power politics prevalent in today's world, particularly the resurgent fascism and militarism and all their followers
The law of the unity of opposites is the essence of Marxist philosophy and a universal law governing nature, human society, and human thought. Building a community with a shared future for mankind is not without its antithesis; its direct antithesis is the attempt by international financial monopoly capital to construct a 'community of private interests for the very few.' When taken to the extreme, this 'community of private interests for the very few' becomes fascism and militarism, which are anti-human and anti-social.
Both world socialism, fascism and militarism are inevitable products of the laws governing the development of human history; this is not subject to the will of any individual.
Regarding the current global situation, I personally believe it remains as Mao Zedong discussed with Montgomery in 1960: 'It is neither a breakdown into hot war nor peaceful coexistence, but a third option: cold war coexistence.'
When Mao Zedong spoke of 'Cold War coexistence' back then, he was primarily referring to the relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union at that time.
Today, however, it can refer to the relationships between the United States and Russia, as well as between the United States and China.
Personally, I believe that a hot war will not break out between China and the United States today, because neither side has such an intention; therefore, it remains a state of Cold War coexistence. Does China fear the United States? Of course, to some extent, but the United States fears China as well, and perhaps even more so. Does China have needs that depend on the United States? Yes, it does, but the United States has even greater needs that depend on China. Therefore, the United States will rely more heavily on what it calls 'soft power,' which manifests directly in its alternating tactics of threatening China at times and speaking 'kind words' to China at others.
As Mao Zedong pointed out in August 1945: 'US imperialism' 'aims to turn China into a US vassal; this policy has long been set. However, US imperialism is all bark and no bite. We must keep a clear head, which means not believing imperialism's "sweet talk" and not fearing its threats'.
Yet the United States does not merely coexist with certain nations during the Cold War; instead, it engages in hot wars through proxies or even intervenes directly. Take the Middle East today, for example. Look at today's television footage: as far as the eye can see, the land of Pakistan lies in ruins. Can this still be called the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? As for other smaller nations, if they refuse to submit to US control, the US becomes eager to act. For instance, threatening Venezuela with direct military aggression. When the US seeks to wage war against other major powers, it will, at most, resort to proxy wars.
Coexistence between major powers in a Cold War state cannot last long; the outcome will still be as Mao Zedong said, 'Either war will spark revolution, or revolution will stop war.'
This means that either the United States, which is unable to fundamentally escape its debt crisis, will shift the burden through proxy wars or even direct military intervention, inevitably sparking revolutions in more countries; or the peoples of all nations, which are unable to endure the oppression and exploitation of astronomical amounts of dollars, will unite in resistance, putting an end to imperialist oppression and exploitation through revolution or even revolutionary war, particularly the various forms of 'war' associated with fascism and militarism that are anti-social, anti-human, and even genocidal.
What should the peoples of the world do?
In my personal view, both Chairman Mao Zedong and General Secretary Xi Jinping have already provided clear answers.
In the opening sentence of Analysis of the Social Classes in China, Mao Zedong stated, 'Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is the primary question of the revolution.'
In today's world, who are our enemies? I personally believe they are the forces of hegemony and power politics in the world today, particularly the resurgent fascism and militarism and all their followers – figures like Hitler, Hideki Tojo, and Mussolini during World War II.
Who are our friends? In a certain sense, they are all the nations, peoples, and individuals in today's world who oppose hegemony and power politics, especially the resurgent fascism and militarism and their followers, including all political leaders from Second World and even First World countries. Figures like Roosevelt and Churchill during World War II are our friends.
In today's world, who are 'we'? We are the peoples of all nations, as described by Chairman Mao Zedong and General Secretary Xi Jinping.
The people constitute a dynamic, historical category; the concept of 'the people' takes on different meanings in different countries and at different historical periods within each nation. However, the concept of 'we' has always referred to the masses of the people, with the working class and peasantry and the intellectuals united with them as the main body.
In the face of today's hegemony and power politics, particularly the resurgence of fascism and militarism and all their followers, the peoples of the world must stand firm and dare to fight. Only then will these forces be compelled to coexist peacefully with us and even pursue win-win cooperation in economic and trade sectors.
Today, some people, upon hearing the terms 'hegemony' and 'power politics,' regard them as invincible, using their so called 'strength' to intimidate the peoples of the world.
In reality, all of its strength is built upon the so-called economic foundation of financial hegemony; once that financial hegemony collapses, the veneer of power coating all its other forms of hegemony will crumble.
The reactionaries of today's world, like all reactionaries throughout history, may seem terrifying at first glance like real tigers.
This is exactly as Mao Zedong said in July 1956, 'US imperialism is indeed strong – truly strong. Yet it is politically weak because it has severed ties with the broad masses of the people; no one likes it, not even the American people. It appears strong on the surface, but in reality, it is not to be feared – it is a paper tiger.' 'One day, the paper tiger will be destroyed. But it will not destroy itself; it requires the battering of wind and rain.'
V. Great revolutionary struggles inevitably give rise to great revolutionary figures.
Great struggles inevitably give rise to great figures. Today, the wealthiest 1% of the global population holds 43% of financial assets. This fully demonstrates that the world remains in the era of imperialism described by Lenin, and is in a smaller historical phase of this specific era of financial imperialism, which transitted from monopoly, parasitism, and decay to a moribund stage. The outbreak of multiple crises worldwide, including the polarization of wealth, social fragmentation, and the incessant outbreak of regional wars, indicates that the fifth general crisis of capitalism has arrived.
In this specific, smaller historical phase of financial imperialism's transition from parasitism and decay to its death throes, the dying class and social system will inevitably make a desperate struggle for survival, and may even give rise once again to the extremely fanatical fascists and militarists who were anti-human and anti-social before and especially during World War II. The peoples of various nations, suffocated by oppression, will inevitably rise up in even stronger resistance.
When new, great social tasks are placed on the agenda, the leaders of the advanced classes are often the first to embody historical inevitability. In the grand and vigorous struggle to build a community with a shared future for mankind, which is a struggle that will unfold across the globe over the next two to three decades, or even three to five decades. A new generation of great leaders of the world's proletariat, such as Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, and Mao Zedong, will inevitably emerge.
VI. In building a community with a shared future for mankind, the broad masses of advanced intellectuals in all countries should courageously shoulder their sacred and unique mission
Marx and Engels revealed the objective laws of human historical development, demonstrating that capitalism is bound to perish and that socialism and communism are bound to triumph. Lenin steadfastly defended Marxism, emphasising that the working class must accept its guidance. Lenin clearly stated, 'Workers could not possibly have a social-democratic consciousness on their own. Such consciousness can only be instilled from the outside,' and 'Relying solely on its own strength, the working class can only develop a trade-unionist consciousness.'
Mao Zedong believed, 'In China's democratic revolutionary movement, intellectuals are the first to become enlightened.' Building a community with a shared future for mankind is an immensely great and glorious undertaking, but it must be guided by a correct ideology. This correct ideology can only be Marxism. Both Chairman Mao Zedong and General Secretary Xi Jinping have particularly emphasised the need to earnestly study Marxism, especially by reading the original works, and to combine the universal truths of Marxism with the specific realities of each country.
Therefore, progressive intellectuals bear a special mission in studying and promoting Marxism, in combining Marxism with the specific realities of their own country and the world, and in further developing and upholding 21st-century Marxism.
In the long river of human history, a human life is but a fleeting moment. The question of 'why' is a fundamental question, a question of principle. Progressive intellectuals from all nations should not equate themselves with ordinary citizens.
How can a person live a meaningful life in this fleeting existence? Striving for the fundamental interests of the broad masses of the people is, in itself, striving to build a community with a shared future for mankind, which is a task of the utmost gravity. Those who pursue personal or narrow family interests, or even strive to 'build a community of private interests for a tiny minority' on behalf of international monopoly capital; especially those who die for the revival of fascism and militarism are as light as a feather.
VII. The Communist Party of China's history of over a century of struggle demonstrates
Where there is oppression and exploitation, there will inevitably be resistance and struggle; the heavier the oppression and exploitation, the more intense and rapid the resistance and struggle will be. The resistance of the Chinese people and the birth of the Communist Party of China were neither accidental events nor the product of some individual's deep contemplation and deliberate implementation. They were the inevitable result of the laws of human historical development as manifested in China, a nation with over 5,000 years of civilisation, particularly one that has suffered foreign imperialist aggression and internal oppression by feudal warlords since 1840.
Without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement. In 1840, China entered the era of colonialism and semi-colonialism. The Chinese people suffered countless calamities, and resistance struggles surged across the land, but all ended in failure. Although the Communist Party of China had not yet been established during the May Fourth Movement of 1919, there was already a large number of intellectuals who supported the Russian Revolution and held rudimentary communist ideas. These progressive intellectuals played a crucial role in spreading Marxism-Leninism and in awakening and uniting the broad masses of the people. This fully demonstrates that without revolutionary theory, there can be no revolutionary movement.
Since a revolution is to be waged, a revolutionary party is essential. Such a party:
First, must take Marxism-Leninism as its guiding ideology and combine the universal principles of Marxism with the specific practices of its own country.
Second, it must consistently maintain its distinct proletarian nature, with the working class as its leader and the alliance between workers and peasants as its foundation.
Third, the Party's purpose must be to serve the people, that is, to prioritise the people and place them at the centre of everything.
Fourth, the Party's ultimate program must be the realisation of communism, and this ultimate program must also be integrated with its transitional programs. The Communist Party of China now represents the organic unity of the supreme ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
We must resolutely uphold the core leadership position of the Party's leader and, generation after generation, cultivate millions of reliable successors for the proletarian revolutionary cause. This is a major principle of Marxism; it is also a major historical lesson of the international communist movement. In a certain sense, the collapse of the Soviet Union, both as a party and as a state, began with the rejection of Lenin and Stalin. To firmly uphold the core leadership of the Party's leader, we must clarify the relationship between Marxist leaders, political parties, classes, and the masses, especially the relationship between the people and the Party's leader from an ideological and theoretical perspective.
The history of struggle of the Communist Party of China spanning over a century has shown us that only socialism can save China. It is therefore foreseeable that in the next two or three decades, and indeed throughout the entire 21st century, as the peoples of the world awaken, resist, and struggle, it will inevitably be proven that only socialism can save the world, including the United States, Russia, and the vast number of Southern nations (that is, the Third World). This is a truth that cannot be overturned.
The bright future of world socialism in the 21st century lies ahead.
Under the strong and correct leadership of the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core, we are filled with boundless confidence in the bright prospects of building a community with a shared future for mankind.
Watch the whole speech here: